Malawi’s questionable hand in the Zimbabwe crisis

The Zimbabwe crisis shows no ending after the announcement of the questionable presidential results, which now point to a possible re-run that could trigger more violence. MDC is faced with the challenge of either bowing down to a second round with certain preconditions, or boycott the run-off, in which case, reinstate president Robert Mugabe into power by default. Yet, Mugabe is unwilling to accept a new legally-binding framework and enabling political infrastructure to ensure free and fair elections.

Since the initial announcement of parliamentary results, there has been widespread violence against the opposition and polling officers such as teachers. People are being abducted, tortured in special camps and killed by brutal militias loyal to the ruling ZANU-PF, with the express support of the state security services. Against this troubled background, Malawi’s involvement in the Zimbabwe crisis has become highly questionable, especially with the prospect of Malawi clearing the Chinese arms cargo from Angola. Malawi’s suspicious dealings with Zimbabwe goes back to 2005, when there was an international outcry over claims that the country was flouting western sanctions in supplying the Zimbabwe police force with tear gas. The tear gas was linked to the death of 11 people in a single incident in Zimbabwe. In the event of the second round, there is great fear that the police, army and militias will use weapons to intimidate and terrorise the electorate to facilitate Mugabe’s victory.

Human Rights Watch has recently accused the Zimbabwe army of colluding with the ruling party militants to unleash terror and violence, a condition which will eventually need to be resolved through a disarmament, demobilisation and rehabilitation programme. While the police continue to arbitrarily arrest opposition supporters, they are not taking any action on the myriad cases of violence. In the post-election period, revenge attacks have started to unfold, raising the fear of full-blown civil strife. In their obsessive bid to keep president Mugabe in power, the military and police have shown a total lack of professionalism by failing to defend and protect Zimbabweans, a situation which begs for proper security sector reform in the post-Mugabe era.

Malawi’s support in the clearance and/or transfer of any arms for Zimbabwe from China or anywhere would therefore, demonstrate that president Mutharika’s administration is intent on working against Zimbabweans’ welfare and human rights. The potentially explosive state of affairs in Zimbabwe can end up into a major violent conflict, dwarfing that witnessed in Kenya, Sudan’s Darfur, and Somalia. Malawi should consequently be concerned that any ugly spectre of civil strife will have repercussions on Malawi and the region. How many more tonnes of maize would Mutharika need to send to Zimbabwe if the economic meltdown and political predicament worsen? Already, there is an on-going influx of Zimbabwean ‘refugees’ to South Africa and beyond.

Zimbabweans might view Malawi’s intervention as mounting to external aggression as they strongly detest any foreign support for Mugabe. The overall impact of Malawi’s support for Mugabe’s brutal repression, and the intended facilitation and delivery of any weapons, which may end up in the hands of security forces and deadly militias, would be wholly destructive. All this, at a time when arms embargo and associated sanctions are being effected by the European Union (EU) and other countries to counter the violent state tyranny in Zimbabwe. The EU has called on all responsible governments in Africa and world-wide to follow suite and ban the sale of arms to Zimbabwe.

In fact, does Mutharika’s government reckon the need to make due consultations or seek the backing of the people of Malawi on such grave foreign intervention? The current administration seems to drive its foreign policy in a way-ward manner forgetting that in a democracy government is obliged to be transparent and accountable to the people. It is appalling to hear of Malawi’s ‘Secret Intelligence Services’ misusing tax-payers’ money on missions such as the one to Angola. This is besides the well-known mucky indulgence of the Intelligence Service in wasteful spying misadventures targeted at the opposition and government critics.

At this juncture, it is important to expound on Mainland China’s connection with Africa and its impact on the continent. The Chinese ‘Cargo of Death’ which has been crisscrossing the Southern African shores, en route to Zimbabwe is but one of the numerous examples of Beijing’s sick foreign policy on offer to Africa’s authoritarian and killer regimes. China’s partnership with Africa is buttressed by an axis tinted by the dark colours of dictatorship, bad governance and awful human rights abuse. Beijing would rather feed Zimbabweans with guns and bullets than food, all the more reason it is indifferent on resolving Sudan’s Darfur conflict and atrocities – thanks to its permanent seat in the UN Security Council, and the subsequent veto power.

Looking at the margin of presidential results announced by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, it is clear to many people that Mugabe, the liberator, has been bent on unlawfully clinging to power. Needless to say that, the proposition for an all-inclusive unity government, like that of Kenya - seems to be favourable. The only challenge is how to get Mugabe, who is the main problem, out of the equation. Generally, mounting international pressure especially from the West, has left Mugabe scared like a haunted-man, unable to brazenly declare ultimate victory in his favour.

Mugabe, the shrewd and cunning survivor, has ruthlessly played the anti-west and anti-colonialism card, and used the land reform and redistribution manoeuverings to woe voters, and mobilise his ‘fiery dogs of war’ – the war veterans. Many Africans have supported Mugabe for his anti-west rhetoric, and branded him an independence hero. Yet, Mugabe is typical of the African liberator-archetype like Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, who has effectively transformed himself into a monster, terrorising the very people he claims to have liberated. There is now great need for a comprehensive investigation of the grave crimes his government has committed for several years. Interestingly, the same Mugabe who has scorned and ridiculed the West, has bemoaned its sanctions imposed on him, when he has China as the current sponsor and apologist. It is ironic that Mugabe has been pre-occupied with land reform with no sense of a framework to see more agricultural production. Without realising the importance of skills and resources, the seemingly energetic war veterans have just sat idle on the land grabbed from white farmers, unable to produce a bumper harvest on the once highly productive farms. Why hasn’t China helped the struggling Zimbabwean black farmers to produce miracles on the land?

Against the deadlock in Zimbabwe, pressure from the international community needs to intensify if the crisis is to be resolved. Malawi as a regional neighbour, should be seeking to proactively and positively engage in ways that brings the crisis to an end. This calls for a tougher stance on the regime of Mugabe in Harare. The media, civil society and the opposition in Malawi should strongly support the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe. Malawi should better realise that, Zimbabweans need genuine liberation, here and now. In particular, Mutharika should shy away from dragging the country into shameful and destructive foreign interventions. Mutharika should not forget that his own regime in Malawi is gravely troubled and increasingly unstable. Thus, the picture one gets of the relationship between Mutharika and Mugabe is that of two dying people trying to resuscitate one another. As one African political analyst put it, "Mugabe is a politically dead man, whose ghost is refusing to be buried, and instead continues to haunt the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe.