In 2020, Malawians lined up in a historic rerun to finally rid ourselves of Arthur Peter Mutharika (APM) and his Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). We said enough. We believed APM was the worst leader Malawi had endured since Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Bakili Muluzi, Bingu wa Mutharika, and Joyce Banda. We swore we would never repeat that mistake. But history has a dark sense of humour. If APM was bad, Lazarus Chakwera proved worse.
Elephants fight – “I am Prince of Thieves and You are King of Thieves”
The DPP Years: Arrogance, Tribalism, and Impunity
Under APM, forex shortages and fuel hiccups were part of daily life, but they had not yet pushed Malawians to the brink of hunger as they did under Chakwera. APM’s real weakness was his lack of control.
His wife Gertrude wielded unusual influence, while enforcers like Paulos Chisale and Peter Mukhito strutted about unchecked. DPP cadets treated arrogance like a uniform. The streets told their own tale: muscle-bound “boys” roaring past police in cars registered only as Ana a Dad, enough to make officers scatter.
Mulhakho wa Alhomwe became more than a cultural association; it acted as a shadow government. Contracts and favours flowed through the grouping, blurring the line between party and tribe.
Then came the TPIN cement scandal. In June 2020, Nation first revealed that APM’s presidential tax number had been abused to import cement duty-free. By July 2021, the Anti-Corruption Bureau froze his and Gertrude’s accounts. In 2022, the State signaled intent to prosecute. Yet by mid-2025, courts were still bogged down in adjournments, with evidence of 2,400 bags of cement “donated” through Norman Chisale languishing. The system stalled, as always.
Enter Chakwera: The Holy Man with Unholy Governance
When Chakwera came preaching sanctification, many thought Tonse Alliance meant teamwork. Instead, it meant MCP in the driver’s seat and everyone else in the back.
His first betrayal was against Saulos Chilima, who expected to run Finance. Instead, Chakwera picked his church elder Felix Mlusu. Budgets ballooned, deficits grew, and economic promises collapsed. Mlusu was later replaced by Sosten Gwengwe, whose policies were equally shaky. By 2023–24, debt redemptions spiked, forex dried up, and fuel queues returned.
In 2024, the Nation and Times exposed procurement letters showing government bending rules in desperate attempts to secure fuel. In 2025, even after trumpeting “government-to-government” deals, fuel shortages persisted.
When Simplex Chithyola Banda took over Finance in late 2024, he declared austerity. But by March 2025, Nation was asking: where are the actual cuts? His FY25/26 budget lacked discipline, leaving citizens frustrated.
The Impunity Cast: Zamba, Kapondamgaga, Phiri
Chief Secretary Colleen Zamba became a symbol of disorder. In 2024, Times published leaked memos showing her pushing a 40,000-tonne emergency fuel purchase outside MERA, NOCMA, and PPDA channels. Parliament’s PAC summoned her over Covid funds misuse, yet Chakwera stood by her.
At State House, Prince Kapondamgaga returned a Mercedes-Benz and cash traced to Zuneth Sattar. Suspended in 2022, he was quietly reinstated in 2023 after restitution. Civil society called it a betrayal of accountability.
Meanwhile, Valentino Phiri, now MDF commander, was tied to a shady K14.7 billion helicopter deal in 2023. Technical inspections revealed the aircraft were unserviceable, oversight bypassed, and PPDA excluded. By 2024, PIJ linked him to questionable MDF contracts. In 2025, reports surfaced of ACB probing him over alleged misuse of K38 million for training and allowances.
Lawfare: When Fighting Graft Became the Crime
Chakwera’s administration weaponized the law against those fighting corruption.
Attorney General Thabo Chakaka Nyirenda bungled fertiliser contracts, including the infamous East Bridge and Nendongo deals. Calls for his dismissal were ignored.
Then came the dawn arrest of ACB Director Martha Chizuma in December 2022. Dragged from her home for exposing corruption, she became a symbol of political persecution. Parliament later condemned the arrest as a vendetta, but the damage was done.
DPP Steven Kayuni triggered her arrest over a personal complaint. When he fell, Masauko Chamkakala took over, but he became notorious for discontinuing cases. In 2024, Parliament grilled him over mass discontinuances, including Sattar-related files. By 2025, confusion reigned as critical cases quietly died.
Deputy ACB head Hillary Chilomba, extended past legal limits, closed sensitive investigations such as the Lilongwe land scandal. Justice became a hostage of politics.
Family Business: State Resources as Household Assets
Chakwera’s own family benefited from public resources. His daughter Violet was appointed diplomat, sparking cries of nepotism. His son-in-law Sean Kampondeni became State House spokesman, spinning failures into sermons. He defended Zamba’s unlawful interdiction of Chizuma and hyped fantasy billions from the Bridgin Foundation. His son Nick has been linked in rumours to contracts, though no hard evidence has emerged publicly. Still, the perception lingers.
The Verdict: A Punishment, Not a Presidency
What emerges from all this is grim: electing Chakwera was not a blessing but a punishment. Under APM, arrogance and tribalism defined governance. Under Chakwera, sanctimony masks impunity. His allies loot while his family thrives on privilege.
From cadet hooliganism to sanctified corruption, Malawi has been cursed with leaders who confuse power with ownership. We didn’t vote for matchboxes to keep starting fires; we voted for leadership.
Until Malawians demand real accountability and reject recycled failures, “never again” will always turn into “here we go again.”
📌 Bottom line: Malawi’s crisis is not about one man or one party. It is about a broken cycle where bad leaders are replaced by worse ones. Our future depends on breaking that pattern — and demanding grown-ups in power.
